Visiting my school after 16 years in 2005

During one of my visits to Srinagar in 2005, I decided to visit my erstwhile school. Our school, which was in the midst of Srinagar city continued to run unabated even during the peak of the militancy and still continues to run with a new name. It was surprising because most of the schools run by KP's were either shutdown or razed to ground by Muslim fundamentalists. There was a feeling among a certain section of the Muslim society that these schools endorsed Jan Sangh and Hindu ideology.

They considered singing “ Vandey Matram” and “ Jana Gana Mana” as unislamic. Many schools like Vishwa Bharti, M DASS, National Public School and Kamla memorial school were either burnt or shutdown. As I reached the school gates, I got nervous. I had spent my childhood here playing cricket in the vast and enormous ground in the school premises. The school was run in the premises of the famous Bhairav temple in Narsinghgarh. As I was walking towards the school building, there was an adrenaline rush in my body. All those scenes of my childhood suddenly started to unfold in front of my eyes. As I looked up into the sky, I suddenly realised that I was looking for Eagles. I loved the sight of flying eagles over Bhairav Mandir. I could remember my father waving at these eagles with “SOOSH NAUR” (Lungs of sheep or goat) in his hands and enticing them to snatch the same from his hands. I could remember how these eagles one after another would come down in their majestic flights to snatch the same from him.  Feeding eagles with soosh naur used to be an age old custom within Kashmiri Pundits as it was considered auspicious and a way to ward off all evils with the blessing of Bhairava. This ritual like other Kashmiri rituals lost its importance and relevance during the years of our exile from Kashmir. 

As I was approaching the school, I could hear the noise of children. It was a very special moment for me. But all the faces were unfamiliar. My eyes were looking for Pinky Madam, Kiran Madam, Sarla Madam, Neelofer madam and last but not the least Nusrat Madam. Nusrat madam was so beautiful that all of us used to look at her with great perplexity. Every boy in my class had a crush on her. As I approached the principal’s room, a boy came up to me and asked, “Aapko Kis sey Milna Hain”. I said, “ Principal Sahab”. He gestured and asked me to knock on the Principals door. As I knocked I said, “May I come in Sir”. A voice replied back, “YES”. I knew it was Mr.Sathu (Name Changed). I was entering my principal’s office after around 16 long and painful years. I was shivering and my heart was palpitating. It took me a little while to realise that I was taking too much of time to walk inside. He again said, “Please come in”. Next moment I was inside his cabin. He asked me, “Who are you”. I said, I am Sachin Raina. Next moment he was up from his chair and in front of me. I did not know what to do. Such was his aura that I was compelled to do what I used to do everyday in our early days in school. I stood in attention like a soldier does at the sight of his commander. I froze at one place. He then said,” Stand at ease” in his usual style and baritone voice. He hugged me and I could see through his eyes what he was feeling. I used to look up to him as a kid. As we were talking to each other, I could see the kind of pain he had gone through. Although the school was running but its name had to be changed to suit the whims and fancies of Kashmiri fundamentalists. Suddenly he asked me, “So what do you do to earn a living“. I said, “Sir I could not become a pilot”. He obviously had forgotten about that during all these years. As we were talking, I asked him the reason for not leaving Kashmir all these years and why he went through all these hardships and unfriendly moments. He chose not to answer. He had made this school into a big institution with his sheer grit and determination. Although one of his partners chose to leave Srinagar for good, he continued to nurture the academy and impart education to the wards of the people who were responsible for the ouster of his own brothers and sisters. However there were people from the Muslim community in the vicinity of the school who stood by him during tough times and did not allow him to leave valley and desert his school. Later during floods in 2014, when one of the old buildings of the school collapsed, locals and ex students from the Muslim community came forward to help him both monetarily and emotionally. Without any doubt he enjoys lot of popularity among locals. Lot of young girls and guys doing well in their lives owe their success to Mr. Sathu and his school. I must here mention his wife, Gauri(Name changed) who stood by him like a rock and backed his decision of not leaving Srinagar. She used to teach us Hindi. God knows whether she still teaches the so called HINDU subject or not. Probably NO.

After spending good odd 2 hours with him, I asked for his permission to leave and left for my hotel. I was happy to see my school and Mr. Sathu again. As I was puffing my cigarette, I became nostalgic. Next day while going to the airport, I felt very bad to leave Srinagar once again. This feeling of again being robbed of my home and hearth by some gun wielding religious freaks working and delivering deaths and devastation at the behest of their masters across the border crossed my mind. Even after 27 years of our exile, we have nowhere to go. As time is running out, I feel this feeling will be laid to rest only with my death. Till then I will live with my worst fear and nightmare.

Faith

Once there was a baba who with his dance would impress rain Gods and hence rains would come. During one harsh summer there was a village which faced drought and hence people started to leave that village along with their cattle and livestock in search for better pastures. However some 50 odd families decided to stay put and call the dancing Baba from nearby village to impress rain Gods. Baba came and he was welcomed with huge fanfare and was given best place in the village to stay. Next morning people woke up to see Baba ji dancing relentlessly, chanting various mantras. Several days passed by, but there was not even a drop of rain. Villagers felt cheated and got into a verbal exchange with Baba ji. Baba ji pacified them and started dancing again unabated that day. While baba was dancing throughout the night, whole village was covered with dark clouds in the morning. People started offering prayers, sang Bhajans, the whole village reverberated with slogans of Baba ji key Jai HO. And finally it started raining. Rains continued for several days and people who had left started to come back and started living in their village happily again. After sometime Baba ji decided to leave the village. However villagers did not want Baba ji to leave. But he insisted and the villagers had to relent. While he was leaving, one of the followers asked baba ji, what if drought hits us once again next year. What are we going to do? And therefore can you teach one or two of us the mantra and the so called dance to impress rain Gods. Baba ji took a deep breath and told that man, "Its not about how you dance and what mantra you chant, Its only and only about till when you can dance. Your belief has to be unwavering. You have to persevere in the most difficult times, probably when even your family and friends start doubting you. The name of the game is Faith".

Who Am I

WHO AM I – A migrant or an IDP

Since Last 26 years KP’s have been demanding the status of internally displaced persons and shun the tag of Migrants given to them after their exodus from Kashmir in 1990’s. However like our resettlement and separate homeland demand this demand has also faced the gallows and has died prematurely. However lately a surge in this demand has been witnessed and lot of KP groups and voluntary organisations have come forward to support this cause. IDP becomes all the more important in the wake of rising demand from KP groups for separate homeland or township in Kashmir whereas the Hurriyat and the separatists are strongly opposing the proposal fearing that a Palestine like situation will arise in Kashmir with this move. However the fact remains that both Govt. Of India and the Hurriyat have been putting this proposal to halt for their own selfish reasons. Some information regarding IDP that I have sourced from net and other sources has been put together for your ready reference below. 

Q. Who is an internally displaced Person?

A. An internally displaced person (IDP) is a person who has been forced to flee his or her home for similar reasons as a refugee, but remains in his or her own country and has not crossed an international border. As the nature of conflict has changed in the last few decades, the number of IDPs has increased globally.

Q. Who is an internal Migrant?

A. An internal migrant is a person who migrates within one country, primarily for economic reasons. It has become immensely important for our community to shed the tag of a migrant as it is an ambiguous term which hurts our rights laid down in UNHCR charter.

Q. Global IDP figures?

A. The growing number of refugees around the world is overshadowed by the even greater numbers of internally displaced people, or IDPs, who have not crossed an international border in search of shelter and safety.

As of the end of 2014, a record-breaking 38 million people were forcibly displaced within their own country by violence, up from 33.3 million for 2013. A massive 11 million of these internally displaced people (IDPs) were newly uprooted during 2014, equal to 30,000 people a day, according to annual figures from the Norwegian Refugee Council's Geneva-based Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC).

In mid-2014, the UN refugee agency was caring for around 26 million of the world's IDP population at that time. Like refugees, they were forcibly displaced by conflict, generalized violence and human rights violations. UNHCR helps IDPs as part of a wider intervention by the international community.

The IDMC's Global Overview 2015 reported that the majority of the increase in new displacement during 2014 was the result of protracted crises in Democratic Republic of the Congo, Iraq, Nigeria, South Sudan and Syria. These five countries accounted for 60 per cent of new displacement worldwide.

Iraqi civilians suffered the most new displacement, with at least 2.2 million displaced in 2014, while at least 40 per cent of Syria's population, or 7.6 million people, have been displaced - the highest number in the world. And Europe, for the first time in more than a decade, suffered massive enforced displacement. This was caused by war in eastern Ukraine, where more than 640,000 people fled their homes in 2014.

Q. Which organisation is the leading source of information on IDP’s worldwide?

A.  The growing number of refugees around the world is overshadowed by the even greater numbers of internally displaced people, or IDPs, who have not crossed an international border in search of shelter and safety.

As of the end of 2014, a record-breaking 38 million people were forcibly displaced within their own country by violence, up from 33.3 million for 2013. A massive 11 million of these internally displaced people (IDPs) were newly uprooted during 2014, equal to 30,000 people a day, according to annual figures from the Norwegian Refugee Council's Geneva-based Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC).

In mid-2014, the UN refugee agency was caring for around 26 million of the world's IDP population at that time. Like refugees, they were forcibly displaced by conflict, generalized violence and human rights violations. UNHCR helps IDPs as part of a wider intervention by the international community.

The IDMC's Global Overview 2015 reported that the majority of the increase in new displacement during 2014 was the result of protracted crises in Democratic Republic of the Congo, Iraq, Nigeria, South Sudan and Syria. These five countries accounted for 60 per cent of new displacement worldwide.

Iraqi civilians suffered the most new displacement, with at least 2.2 million displaced in 2014, while at least 40 per cent of Syria's population, or 7.6 million people, have been displaced - the highest number in the world. And Europe, for the first time in more than a decade, suffered massive enforced displacement. This was caused by war in eastern Ukraine, where more than 640,000 people fled their homes in 2014.

 Q. Do KP’s find a mention on the IDMC’s website?

A. You will be glad to know that IDMC website treats all KP’s as IDP’s in its analysis of figures for India. The statement goes as follows:

“There are 60,500 Kashmiri families registered as displaced since 1990(Ministry of Home Affairs, India, 15 July 2014).This amounts to 350,600 people as calculated by national family size average of 5.8 people according to the 2011 National Census.  Of this total, 38,100 families reside in Jammu, 19,300 families reside in Delhi and the remaining are in other states.  In addition, cross border tensions with Pakistan displaced an additional 20,000 in October 2014 (Reuters, 10 October 2014) and a further 10,000 in December 2014/January 2015 (BBC, 6 January 2015)”

However ministry of home affairs categorically refers KP community as “Migrants” which is not only disconcerting but at the same time it takes away our rights laid down in the “Guiding principles” on internal displacement.

Q. What is the scope and purpose of these guiding principles?

A.  These guiding principles address the specific needs of IDP’s worldwide. Essentially there are around 30 principles laid down in the document made by United Nations. However Section V consisting of principles 28, 29 & 30 are of paramount importance as they talk about the principles related to return, resettlement and reintegration of the IDP’s in their place of origin from where they have been displaced. They specifically lay emphasis on the role of various organizations in the resettlement of IDP’s. You can access these guiding principles on the following link, http://www.brookings.edu/fp/projects/idp/resources/GPsEnglish.pdf

Q. Why doesn’t India want to give IDP status to KP’s?

A. The migrant tag attached to the displaced KP’s since their ouster from valley was a deliberate attempt by Govt. of India to avoid international scrutiny in this issue. India is avoiding any third party intervention in Kashmir dispute and from day one; India wants to settle this issue bilaterally with Pakistan. Giving an IDP status to KP’s will adversely affect this strategy. If at all Govt. decides to give IDP status to KP’s, India will have to give access to United Nations High commissioner for refugees to camps and temporary dwellings of KP’s in Delhi, Jammu and other places. 

IDP’s are part of the broader section of civil population and thus according to the UNHCR need protection and assistance because of the conflict, human rights abuses or natural disasters that they face. Therefore it becomes mandatory for the govt. of India to provide the necessary assistance and support to KP community who were forcibly ousted from their original abode by gun wielding fundamentalists and terrorists in 1990 and work towards their resettlement and rehabilitation in Kashmir. Situation is real and the time is running out.

Sachin Raina

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                   

Meeting Jaya

Meeting Jaya after 28 years, 24.1.16

The biggest tragedy that has hit our community in last 30 years is perhaps the debacle of migration. It has not only robbed us off our home and hearth but has also affected our identity as a community. One of the pit falls of migration were the immediate snapping of ties with our neighbours and relatives as KP’s moved to different parts of the country. Similarly our family also moved to Jammu as my mother was working with state secretariat and therefore it was convenient for us to re-settle in Jammu as we already had a government accommodation in place. In late 1990’s my father who was working with Accountant General’s office was sent to Gwalior in his first posting post migration. Those days were tough, really tough. I don’t even like to recall those days as they were horrendous. KP community which was used to Kashmir’s cool and mystic climate was suddenly exposed to hot and humid climate of Jammu. I still remember how people suffered with skin infections and strokes in those days. Our old generation bore the maximum brunt. You could everyday hear a story or two about the death of our community member by heat stroke or snake bites. People were putting up in tents and make shift houses. I remember how 4 families were living in our 4 bedroom under construction house in Jammu. Each family occupied a single room with all the kitchens being operated in the common lobby on the make shift tables. It was a difficult time for majority of the people from our community. Unlike others we were fortunate enough to have a government accommodation to live. As the days went by, relatives and friends started moving to different parts of the country in search of better living and opportunities for themselves and their families. All would remember that in 1990’s; India was far away from internet and mobile communication. People were dependent on landline phone and letters for communication. These days it is relatively easy to be in touch with anybody throughout the globe. It was an era of pre liberalisation and India was reeling under economic backwardness. Therefore people who were used to live in closed community in villages and mohalla’s were suddenly thrown open to entirely different style of living. The worst affected were elderly and particularly our old womenfolk. Imagine a 60 year old lady, who had spent all her life in a village in Kashmir, working in fields, raring cattle in her backyard, washing clothes and utensils on the banks of a crystal clear stream flowing just outside her house, living in a palatial 40 room house, is suddenly exposed to harsh reality of having lost everything and now she is living in a two room apartment with an immediate Dogra or Punjabi neighbour. It was a cultural shock for them. From neighbour to language everything was alien. This resulted in psychological breakdown and depression for many. I still remember how my grandmother would start wailing whenever she recalled her days in Kashmir. In Jammu everything was different. It was her wish to go back to Kashmir one day. But alas that was not to happen. She breathed her last in 2003 and I curse myself for not fulfilling her wish. At least I could have taken her there one last time for a day or two. She probably would have died at peace. As the days and years have passed, it seems a distant reality now. Just a reminder that 26 years of our exodus have passed and nothing has been done as of now about our resettlement in Kashmir. Lots of proposals have been made by subsequent governments, but all these schemes and proposals are utopian in nature and have fallen flat on their faces.

For last several years like any other migrant I am living in Chandigarh (Zirakhpur) and finally have decided to make this my third home. First was Kashmir, after that Jammu and now Chandigarh. I prefer to live here because it is very near to Jammu (6 Hour drive) and there are around 200 KP families living here. In my immediate locality alone there would be around 50-60 families. We enjoy a lot together and have therefore created a parallel system where we come together and interact. This not only gives comfort to us but also acts as a safety mechanism. For our older generation it means a lot. And we also have kind of got used to this. During one such interaction I and my mother came to know about one of our relative from my maternal side who lives very close to us here in panchkula. My mother was always fond of this lady and I also remember visiting her lots of times in Srinagar as a kid with my mom and grandmother. Her name is Jaya. She used to live on the opposite bank of the river where my maternal home was located. Incidentally her grandson, Pran kumar, is known to me as we play for the same cricket club. Therefore one Sunday morning we decided to visit and surprise her. My mother was not sure whether she would be able to recognise her or not. After all these years in the wilderness Jaya had grown old.  My mother would talk about how witty and resilient she used to be and her sharp presence of mind. Her husband died at a very early age and she brought up her 4 children all alone. She had seen lots of hardships and when everything seemed to be settling down, Kashmir was struck by pro Pakistan movement and terrorism in which KP's were targeted sytmatically. She initially resisted migrating from Kashmir, but her brother in law, Pt. Jankinath was killed in cold blood by terrorists in Kangan while on duty.  Hence the inevitable was witnessed and she moved out with her family.

As we reached her apartment, we rang the bell. My mother was very excited and at the same time very apprehensive also. We heard crinkling sound on the door and both of us were thinking whether Jaya herself will open the door. But that was not to be the case. The door was opened by my friend Pran kumar’s mother. I must tell you that at a single glance, both she and my mom recognized each other and immediately hugged. We went inside and asked for Jaya. She was in the washroom. As soon as she came out, she saw us. But she couldn’t recognize my mother at first. My mother had to introduce herself and immediately she hugged her and tears started rolling down her eyes. By then she could make out who I was? She hugged me as well in a typical kashmiri style. She had seen me grow in their neighborhood. She then started telling me about the funny incidences from my childhood days which she still remembered. Although our families were not in touch all these years, she had all the vital information about us and about our well being. She vividly remembered my dad (Who is no more) and how he would spend long vacations with me in my maternal home. She knew about his demise and was very sad about that. I could see all three ladies in that house that day living the best time of their lives in a long- long time. I could see a fresh lease of life in their eyes after meeting each other after almost three decades. Jaya had also gone through some troubles in all these years. She was very sad about the fact that her daughter and granddaughter passed away some time back prematurely. It is of course very sad for lady in mid 80’s to have gone through such hardships. She also had a narrow escape when she had a brain hemorrhage three years back. But with the grace of almighty she bounced back to lead a normal life. However despite that her spirit was quite high and in between she was cracking a joke or two. I was sitting immediately next to her and my eyes were glued at her. I was mesmerized with the way she was talking. She was dressed in the traditional kashmiri attire. I must say that the dress (Tharga & Pootch) she was wearing has been long abandoned by our womenfolk. But she looked beautiful in that dress. After spending 2 hours with her we finally bid farewell to her. It was heart warming and a memorable meeting with Jaya and once we left we promised to visit her regularly. My mother was extremely happy after meeting her and I could feel the same for the other two ladies. As we left it made me go down the memory lane I again felt like a child playing in my maternal home. I could re live those days spent there with my grandparents, parents and friends.

My maternal home was in a nondescript village of Manigam in Kashmir. Manigam was home to the famous Kashmiri saint, Roop Bhawani and Kash Kak . Its only claim to fame was the annual Roop Bhawani and Kash Kak fair in which people from all walks of life would come to pay their obeisance to these two local deities. Manigam was en route Sonmarg and was just 20 kms away from Srinagar, the capital of Kashmir. The total KP population of the village could be counted on fingers and would not amount to more than 200. I still remember how picturesque and serene Manigam was in those days. I have no idea how it looks like now. It was in the winters of 1988 that I last visited my maternal home in Kashmir.  Even after nearly three decades of separation from my roots I am still looking for a reason why we were cleansed out permanently from the valley. However one thing is very sure, we have a reached a point of no return and homeland seems to be a distant and an unrealistic dream.  The only thing that has kept our community going is the spirit of resilience and courage that our community has shown in these years of despair and adversity. We as a community have not only come a long way but have also made a huge impact in the current socio-economic scene of India. I salute the spirit of Jaya and her ilk who have proved Darwin’s theory,” Survival of the fittest” true by their sheer grit and determination.      

# Religious intolerance

 There is no doubt that #Rising intolerance bandwagon is growing in number and so is the heard of writers and filmmakers who are returning their awards in protest of this intolerance, which according to them has suddenly gripped entire India under its venomous tentacles. And hello hello hello who are responsible for it. No awards for guessing, because otherwise you might one fine morning decide to return this award. It’s BJP and our PM, Mr.Narendra Modi. Aren’t these people being obtuse with no rationale behind their act? India’s history is marred with instances of religious intolerance and hatred. Then why is this drama happening and why are these people painting our country in the colour of Intolerance? The answer is simple and straightforward and that is these congress fans and followers are not able to gulp or digest the fact that our country is being governed by BJP and Narendra Modi, who incidentally has been well accepted throughout the Globe. A man who was once facing the trial for Gujarat riots has swept the entire country off its feet and has become a new hope for the Indians at home as well as abroad. The kind of response he got in US was seen never before. This troubles the congress party and the band of these so called laureates and filmmakers. I am not hurt when they colour BJP and other right wing Hindu parties as intolerant. I would not even care for that.  But what hurts me and the rest of the people like me are that these people are bringing bad name to all the Indians and we are being portrayed as a bunch of murderers and lynch men. Mr and Ms Return awards, let me just give you a point wise reality check and ask you a simple question and that is why you did not return you awards when following happened:-

1.       To begin with let me give you an example of 1984 Sikh riots in which innumerable Sikhs were killed and slaughtered on the streets of Delhi. Let me just remind you that the riots were backed by your own congress men. Let me just not name them. I know it’s embarrassing for you.

2.       Now let me make you think a little more. Where were you, when 3 lac Kashmiri Pundits were ousted from their motherland. Wasn’t it religious intolerance? I know we are not a vote bank for any party. Nevertheless you could have spoken a word or two about us. You choose not to. I know you speak only as per your own convenience. If you have any other pending award with you, I request you to please come forward and return it to the government. At least you can make amendments to your mistake. Isn’t it? Mr. Ajay Raina and Sanjay Kak, our own kashmiri brethren, have also joined this bandwagon and have returned their awards. By the way, does anyone know who are they? I seriously don’t know. Sometimes as they say ignorance is bliss. But yea they have managed to catch some eye balls by doing this. At least a worthless mine.

3.       Ok now comes the toughest. Where were you at the time of Babri demolition on 6^th December 1992? Now most of you might argue that you guys had not received any award at that time. I know this fact. But fact remains that returning of the awards is not the only way to raise your voice. God has given you such a high intellect. Isn’t it? And on top of that he has given you some vocal cords. You could have certainly made use of them. Hey where are you hiding madam and Sir?

4.       The story doesn’t end here. Why didn’t you protest against the Wandahama massacare in which 23 kashmiri pundits were dragged out of their houses and brutally killed by militants on 25^th Jan, 1998. I know you guys were not instructed by your masters to do so at that time. Whether it is Kashmir muslim or Kashmiri pundits, both have been useless entities for you, till the time Nayantara Sehgal ji redeemed herself by condemning the killing of Kashmiri Muslim youth in Udhampur.

5.       Where were you when on March 20^th March of year 2000, Lashkar men killed 34 Sikh youths in Chattisinghpora (Kashmir) after asking them to assemble in a Gurdwara. We all know the aftermath of this massacre. Innocent lives were lost in the fake encounter of Pathribal. I hope I am giving you a reason to think and ponder over. Don’t become a victim of herd mentality. You are bringing disrepute to this nation and we won’t tolerate it.

6.       Shall I give you more, Mr and Ms Return awards? I know it’s hurting you. But let me just give you one more below the belt. Where were you when Dara Singh, murdered an Australian missionary and his family while they were sleeping in a station wagon at Manoharpur in Keonjhar district of Orissa. Were you sleeping or your conscience was dead at that time.

7.       Why did you choose to ignore the incidence in Chamba in August of 1998, when Pakistani militants killed 35 Hindus in cold blood? Stop being pseudo secular. We won’t tolerate your vitriol now.

8.       What about 2002 attacks on Raghunath temple (11 persons killed) and Akshardham temple (33 people killed), 2006 serial bombings in Varanasi (28 casualties) etc. I can give you more. Our history is full of such statistics.

9.       For your benefit let me tell you that between 2005 to 2009, an average fo 130 people have died every year because of communal riots in India. And during the same period, 24 states and union territories reported instances of religious Skirmishes and clashes. Everyone knows who were at the helm of affairs at centre during this period.

When nobody labelled India an Intolerant country at that time, then why now? You don’t have to be a genius to understand that. There is no doubt that some of these people in collusion with their political masters have a sinister plan of pushing this country into a panic state and then subsequently emerge as the Champions of the cause of the people. All these people have no moral stand with each one of them taking a fake stand. However to an extent they have been able to stir up a controversy with their politically motivated actions and as Junaid Mustafa says, “Only counterfeit is genuine these days”, these people might get their share of glory.

Sachin Raina

 

 

 

 

Babbar Akali's and their contribution to India's freedom struggle

India’s struggle for freedom began in 1857 and it took another 90 years to culminate into India’s independence. Anyone can imagine the kind of sacrifices our ancestors made to make this into a reality. They gave their life and blood for our freedom. We have been taught about our freedom struggle in so many ways and one of them is through the institution of school. From a very early age we have read about Indian National Congress and its contribution to this struggle. Not to mention here the names of Nehru and Gandhi, who are almost inseparable whenever we talk about our freedom struggle? But what about other people who laid down their lives in quest of India’s freedom?

Everyone knows about the contribution of Indian national congress to India’s freedom movement. But how many of us know about the other parties who contributed immensely to this cause. Why our historians have chosen not to write about these parties? Why none of these parties is in public glare. It is simply because we have read or we have been forced to read a very selective history on the instructions of the congress party which ruled India for the majority of last 69 years. The historical facts that are taught in schools and colleges in India is totally distorted, fudged and manipulated to favour a certain section of our political class.

Many of us might argue that considerable light has been shed on the history of nationalist parties like Ghadar Party, Subash Chander bose led INA, All India Muslim league, RSS etc. However there are considerable numbers of parties which don’t find even a mention in India’s history of freedom struggle. Their contribution might have been on the lower side as compared to congress but that does not undermine their impact on the struggle. I bet majority of the people would not even know the names of parties or movements like HSRA, Hindu Mahasabha, Jugantar, Babbar Akali’s, Khaskar tehreek, Khudai khidmatghar movement etc; leave aside the expectation of people being even aware about their contribution to our freedom struggle.

The aim of writing this article is to highlight the history of these little known parties who gave their blood for India’s struggle. If after just 68 years of our Independence people are unaware about these people, Imagine what will happen after 100 years into our Independence. Our posterity which is being raised on a fudged and manipulated history, the names of these people and parties will cease to exist forever. Give it a thought.

I would begin by highlighting the history of Babbar Akali’s based out of Punjab who not only took to Gurdwara reforms but also participated in India’s freedom struggle during a brief period from 1921 to 1925. Babbar Akali movement came into existence when the Akali struggle for Gurdwara Reforms was going through a crucial stage. The most popular Sikh shrines like Nankana Sahib and Taran Taran Sahib were being occupied by Mahants and were trying to convert these into their personal properties. Babbar Akalis were Gur Sikhs and vehemently opposed the Idea of Gandhi’s non violence and non cooperation formula. Majority of the babbar Akalis were returned immigrants from Cannada and some of them had actively participated in the Gadhar movement. They opposed the imperialistic British policies and at the same time they were upset about the Nankana Sahib tragedy in which hundreds of innocent Sikhs were killed. They rejected the idea of peaceful struggle for reformation in the Sikh shrines and decided to carry forward their movement separately without the active involvement and cooperation of Akali leadership.

Since the death of Maharaja Ranjit Singh on June 27, 1839, Punjab was under constant attack from British and eventually they lost their sovereignty to them on 29th Mar, 1849. As a result the socio-religious fabric of Punjab received a big jolt. Sikhs lost control and direct vigilance of its sacred shrines. During the next 70 odd years the Sikhism went through a drastic change. Their religious places and Gurudwaras were directly ruled by Mahants and they started to ignore the tenets and practices laid down in the Sikhism. Sikhism came under heavy attack during this time from British missionaries and elitist Brahmans. Undoubtedly the Sikhs were surrounded by forces which threatened their existence and their gradual decline seemed inevitable.

During subsequent years there were lots of organisations which were formed by Sikhs to cater to the ever increasing demand of the public to free its Gurdwaras from British and Mahants. However it was during 1920 that they finally became successful in forming Shiromani Gurudwara Prabhandak Comittee and then subsequently its task force, Akali Dal. Later on SGPC and Akali Dal made all efforts to make their gurdwars free from the clutches of these Mahants.

Later on during one such incident, Guru Ka Bagh Morcha, the back bone of Babbar Akali movement was formed. Though most of the Gurudwars were freed easily by SGPC from Mahants, Guru Ka Bagh, which is about 20 kms away from Amritsar, was never going to be an easy task for SGPC. In 1921, Sunder Das Udasi was the mahant of guru ka Bagh. In an attempt to save the shrine from being occupied by reformist Sikhs, he signed a formal agreement with them on 31 January 1921, promising to reform his ways and make a new start, as well as, agreeing to receive the rites of Khalsa initiation. He even agreed to serve under an eleven member committee appointed by the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee. However, seeing how the government was everywhere supporting the mahants in their efforts to retain the Gurdwaras, he repudiated part of the agreement and said that, though he had surrendered the gurdwara to the Shiromani Committee, the piece of land known as Guru ka Bagh attached to it was still his property. He objected to Sikhs cutting trees from Guru Ka bagh for the common Langar and thus he lodged a comlaint with the police and as a result of that authorities arrested 5 Akali’s on 9th Aug, 1922 on the charges of trespass. It was just a beginning and till 17th November, 1922 the number of Sikhs that were arrested amounted to 5605. This included 35 members of SGPC. The government at that time tried evry leaf in the book to traumatise Sikhs, however that was not to be a case. The violent use of force on Sikhs had a great impact outside and inside Punjab. Large number of Sikhs who took part in Guru Ka Bagh morcha, either joined Babbar Akali Jatha or worked actively to support their cause. When guru ka Bagh morcha was in full swing in 1922, Jathedar Kishan Singh Garja, he later on became a Babbar Akali Stalwart, wrote to then SGPC secretary, and asked him to reconsider the non violent means of fighting the cause and urged him to allow Sikhs to take up the sword. There is no doubt that Babbar Akali movement took its final shape during this morcha. Sikhs who could not digest the discipline of Satyagrah took to dynamite, bomb and pistols and became the Babbar Akali’s. The heaps of atrocities thrown on Sikhs inflamed their passion for revenge and no true discipline of Guru Gobind Singh could remain loyal to the British afterwards. Hence a few Akalis who had participated in the Gurudwara reform movement became Babbar Akali’s. Infact the struggle to liberate Gurudwars from Mahants and government was considered to be the stepping stone to India’s freedom. No wonder it included, ex ghadarites, congress workers and soldiers.
The Babbar Akalis made their first appearance during the Sikh Educational Conference held at Hoshiarpur from March 19th to 21st, 1921. Later on, they organized their own meetings which were attended by renowned personalities like Master Mota Singh, Kishan Singh, Amar Singh, Tota Singh Peshawari, Gurbachan Singh and Buttan Singh and some of the returned emigrants from Canada. The working committee of the Babbar Akalis was elected in 1922 with Sardar Kishan Singh Garja as Jathedar, Dalip Singh Gosal, as Secretary and Baba Santa Singh as Treasurer. To reinforce the propaganda machinery and to promote the cause of the movement, the working committee decided to publish a newspaper called Babbar Akali Doaba Akhbar, with Sardar Karam Singh Daulatpur appointed as Editor. Their main objective was to "eliminate" certain officials and non-officials condemned as enemies of the Khalsa Panth.

They appealed to the Hindus and Muslims through articles, leaflets, Babbar Akali Doaba Akhbar and the religious congregations to join them in their war against the foreigners for freedom. To fulfil their programme Bela Singh and Ganda Singh were sent to Lahore on May 23, 1921 to take care of Mr. J.W. Bowring, considered responsible for Nankana Sahib Massacare. However on their way they got arrested and thus other members of the party like Amar Singh, Tota Singh, Chatar Singh etc landed in the police custody.

Babbar Akalis also aimed to paralyse the supporters of the British Government such as Zaildars, Lambardars, Patwaries, police informers and other stooges by terrorising them through various forms of punishments. According to the plans of the Babbars an attempt was made to kill Arjan Singh Patwari of Haripur who had allegedly helped in the arrest of Master Mota Singh. Somehow the attempt failed. Then, Zaildar Bishan Singh, a retired official of the Canal Department was shot dead on February 10th, 1923.

The continuous "elimination" created panic among the informers, agents and the Government authorities. Numbers of village officials and other loyalists to the Government started expressing fear for their lives and the desire to resign from their posts. The government took stiff measures to meet the Babbar challenge and tried to restore peace and confidence among the loyalists. Special C.I.D. was deputed to assist the police. The police force at Jullundur was increased by adding another fifty men. Above all, a special enrolment of 150 was sanctioned, and an Indian infantry of 250 and a squadron of armoured cars were deputed to assist the police in making the arrests of the Babbars. Leaflets were scattered by airplane over the affected area in order to restore peace, and the Babbars were proclaimed as an unlawful association under the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act of 1908. As a result some important leaders like Kishan Singh Garja, Master Mota Singh and Sunder Singh were arrested.

Undeterred by the arrests and deaths of the important leaders, the Babbars continued their programme of eliminating the agents and the supporters of the Government. Simultaneously, they continued preaching against the British rule. The threats by the Babbars and the continuous elimination of government officials caused considerable anxiety in the official circle in London. Members of the British Parliament raised questions about the deteriorating condition of law and order in the Punjab. The government of the Punjab was criticised, and fears were expressed about the safety of the British officials in India.

On June 4th, 1923, Sir C. Yates drew the attention of the House of Commons to the Babbar programme of murdering officers and the foreigners and wanted the Government to make a statement on the situation in Punjab. The motion was again tabled on June 14th, 1923 in the British Parliament regarding the seriousness of the Babbar Akali Movement. Upon pressure of the British Parliament, London, the government of the Punjab introduced more stringent measures against the Babbars. Hideout places of the Babbars were raided. As a result, 186 arrests were made. By the middle of 1924 all the important Babbars were either killed or arrested. However, the Akali leaders and the Congress leaders like Mahatma Gandhi did not approve of the Babbars' programme of violence. The Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (S.G.P.C.) issued statement appealing to the Sikhs to disassociate with the activities of the Babbars, writes Mohinder Singh, author of The Akali Movement:

Though the Akali leadership disowned both the Babbars as well as their tactics and went even to the extent of passing formal resolutions against them, the Babbars contribution to the Akali Movement and India’s freedom struggle cannot be ignored. They have and will be the integral part of our history forever. None can undermine their contribution to Sikhism and its resurgence in the early twentieth century.

Indo-Nepal relations and its fall out

Today (9.10.15) as Nepal Oil Corporation floated a global tender for supply of petrol to Himalayan nation, the focus of international community has again shifted to our complex ties with Nepal and has raised some serious questions with regards to our foreign policy with the Himalayan nation.  As our relationship with Nepal hit a new low today, it compelled me to get into the intricacies of our relationship with Nepal and dig out the reasons behind this love hate relationship between the two countries. This is not the first case of altercation between the two nations; rather their history has been marred with skirmishes like these in the past as well.

Nepal which got its independence in 1923 has a history which has been deeply influenced by its big neighbour’s; India and China. Although India’s relationship with Nepal goes back to ancient ages, however the year of 1950 has huge importance in the history of both countries. This is the year when both countries signed India-Nepal treaty of peace & friendship, which in later years became a thorn in the aspirations of native Nepalese. This treaty was signed by last Rana prime minister of Nepal, Mohan Shamsher Jang Bahadur Rana and India’s then ambassador to Nepal, Chandreshwar Narayan Singh. The treaty not only allowed free movement of people and goods between the two nations but also enabled the two nations to closely collaborate on the matters of defence and foreign affairs. But it was not to last forever and as the fate would have it, just 3 months after this treaty was signed, the rana rule ended in Nepal and with this the outcry & dissatisfaction over this treaty grew in political and social circuits of Nepal. Most Nepalese viewed this treaty as an invasion of its sovereignty and integrity by India.

Although this treaty was initially widely supported by both Indian political class and Rana rulers of Nepal, however after the advent of democracy in Nepal in late 1950’s and & 1960”s, Nepal & china forged better relations and thus Indo-Nepal relations took some beating in that era. The first instance of relationship becoming cold could be seen when Nepal forced the Indian military mission to leave Nepal and proposed itself as a “Zone of peace” between India and China. India however at that time bluntly refused to endorse this new stand of Nepal. This was the first Instance when Nepal acted as an opportunist and by all means they had clearly moved on with their relationship with India. With number of Indian’s living and working in Nepal growing everyday and the involvement of India in Nepal’s politics becoming more evident, the discomfort among native Nepalese also started growing.

In 1969 our relations with Nepal soured as Nepal challenged the existing mutual security arrangement between the two countries and also expressed their resentment on India Nepal peace & friendship treaty. India at that time had to unwillingly withdraw its military mission from Nepal which was incidentally formed in 1952, when Nepal feared mutiny by the communist lead and china backed political forces. Tensions came head to head in mid 1970’s when Nepal openly criticised Sikkim’s 1975 annexation by India. In 1975 King Birendra Bir Bikram Shah proposed Nepal to be recognised internationally as a “Zone of peace”. He received support of China and Pakistan internationally and India was again left red faced with its long term ally. Nepal continuously raised this issue on international forums and by 1990 it had won the support of 112 countries which included US and UK. India meanwhile continued to endorse Nepal as a zone of Peace. In 1987, India tried to arm twist Nepal by urging expulsion of thousands of Nepali speaking people from states that shared border with Nepal. Nepal reacted by introducing a work permit system for Indians working in Nepal. During March 1989 to April 1990, because of the failed talks between the two nations, Nepal was under a serious economic embargo from India. India stopped all trade ties and treaties with Nepal. To withstand this pressure Nepal presented its case before the world community which again infuriated India. Nepal then de regularised India rupee from Nepal which otherwise circulated freely in Nepal. India retaliated by denying port facilities in Calcutta, thereby cutting oil supplies from Singapore and other sources. Nepal which was once a thriving economy in Asia, was reeling under serious economic problems by 1990. Nepal’s growth rate fell from 9.7% in 1988 to 1.5% in 1989. Nepal was now quickly slipping into the league of world’s poorest nations. Nepalese king Birendra had to step down after deepening economic crisis and was forced to institute a parliamentary democracy.  Thus Nepal got its new PM Krishna Prasad Bhattarai and in June of 1990 during Bhattarai’s visit, India lifted the 13 month long economic blockade of Nepal, although India agreed to do so, on its own terms and conditions. In subsequent years the ever fluctuating Indo –Nepal ties continued to be sweet and sour as it had been in the past. Again the recent interference from India in Nepal’s constitutional matters has not gone down well with the Nepalese masses. 

The new constitution of Nepal, which has been pushed through by three main political parties –Nepali Congress, Communist party of Nepal and the Maoists remains a bone of discontent for people living in Terai region of Nepal. These are mainly Madhesis and Tharus. This is why the whole of Terai has gone up in flames since the controversial constitution was passed in Nepal parliament. Madhesis and Tahrus had high hopes from the new constitution as it would have given them an opportunity to win their rightful share. The Nepal’s constitution was not just a book to dole out a new political system but also a new social framework for various ethnicities living in Nepal who till now had been kept unified under a monarchical system. The divide in Nepal lies between the hills and the plains. People from both places had different aspirations and hence the new Nepal constitution could have addressed these issues and grievances. However that was not the case. Madhesi and Tharu objections to constitutional provisions were brushed aside. The Kathmandu leadership was complacent and was caught napping as they never thought that Madhesi and tharu people will rise up in arms on the issue. And when they did, the Nepalese establishment resorted to violence and suppression. India had well in advance anticipated this situation and during PM Modi’s visit in August, while he was addressing the constituent assembly of Nepal, he spoke about the importance of writing a sage like (Rishi man) constitution so that views and aspirations of citizens of all communities and regions can be accommodated. However the Nepali leadership, including PM Sushil Koirala, choose to ignore this advice. Sushil Koirala by all means wants to leave a legacy in his name in the history of Nepal by sticking to the newly passed constitution.

But question arises; Why Nepal would listen to India on its internal matter? What if tomorrow Nepal starts questioning India’s stand on Kashmir? What if they start talking about AFSPA of India on international forums? Is it morally correct for India to dictate terms to Nepal on its internal dispute.

Therefore Indian government needs to be very careful while taking any step to get into this Nepali imbroglio. India although is in a tricky situation as at the same time it cannot ignore whatever is happening in Nepal. India and Nepal has an open border and therefore conflict in Nepal will directly impact India as Indian people working in Nepal and businessman having their base in Nepal will surely fled to seek refuge in border states of UP and Bihar. India will have to watch out for its long term implication. Also India would not want the Madhesi crisis to go Tamil way and thus it should by all means avoid a Sri lanka like situation to take place in its immediate neighbourhood. This can have a direct bearing on India’s political scene, particularly in Bihar and U.P.

Though our PM Narendra Modi has been very vocal in his stand with regards to Nepal and how he wants Nepal to be a strategic partner to India in its quest to become a regional superpower, Whether or not Nepal will reciprocate in the same manner remains a million dollar question to be answered. Keeping in mind the current developments in Indo-Nepal relations and the ever growing Nepal-China relations, the above aspiration of India certainly remains a far cry. In fact China has already diluted India’s effect on the Nepalese economy. Since 2006 China’s commerce with Himalayan nation has surpassed India by 17 times and China has emerged as the most favourable source of FDI in Nepal in recent times. India and its businessman have been complacent and now they will have to sit and watch for their turn. China has already overtaken India to become the largest contributor of FDI to Nepal. This shows the influence of the dragon nation is at its all time high.

In this situation India’s overseas policy makers not only need to be careful about our interference in the Himalayan nation but they also need to envisage an entirely different policy for future of Indo- Nepal ties. At the same time India and Indian’s must resign to the fact that it can no longer play the role of a big boss to Nepal as it has done in the past. The 1989 economic blockade is a thing of past. Times have changed and Nepal has certainly moved on as far as its ties with India are concerned.  PM Narendra Modi may have wanted to help Nepal by his HIT formula – Highways,, Information technology and Transmission lines – as he said in his speech at Nepal assembly. However Nepalese are by all means looking in some different direction. India definitely has a situation at hand to tackle. Situation is real and the time is running out.